Wednesday, February 20, 2013

Self-Referential Paternalist Foibles

Self-Referential Paternalist Foibles

Tibor R. Machan

Over the last several years statists have changed their tune a bit.  Instead of advocating Draconian governmental intrusions on people’s lives, in the tradition of the Soviets and other unabashed tyrants, they have at least seemingly reformed and changed their tune: now they mostly promote the Nanny state (under such labels as libertarian paternalism, nudging, and so forth).  These champions of government interference in our lives are convinced, it seems, that they can somehow select a restrained government which then can carry out various worthy regulations and regiment us all to our benefit without succumbing to the temptation of absolute power.  They appear to be heeding Lord Acton’s admonition that power tends to corrupt and absolute power corrupts absolutely but not by refraining to support the wielding of power by some people over others. No they think they can moderate their tyrannical habits by promoting what I have called as far back as the 1970s a regime of petty tyranny.* Their intrusiveness will be gentle, delicate, subtle, considerate and kind--like those of Nannies--unless you offer resistance, in which case the more Draconian statism is just around the corner.

The most visible promoter of this kind of statism is the political theorist and law professor Cass Sunstein, now teaching at Harvard University, where he has joined  Michael Sandel and others in the effort to erase all libertarian elements of American law and public policy.  He has been promoting the paternalistic state for some time but more recently he has revved up his efforts, with books, reviews, essays, speeches, media appearances pouring out and with political allies in the corridors of power standing ready to turn his ideas into public policies and laws.

At the foundation of this paternalism lies the belief that many of us ordinary blokes need some pushing around so we conduct ourselves properly, sensibly, prudently, wisely--in short, virtuously.  Never mind that virtuous conduct needs to be freely chosen for it to amount to something praiseworthy.  Much of such conduct has to do with not harming others or ourselves and despite the widely shared belief in John Stuart Mill’s idea that not unless one harms others may he or she be forced to desist, if one holds that harmful conduct in and of itself must be averted, public policies will live up to that expectation.  The state and its cheerleaders will stand ready to run interference if we do not behave well.  

Of course, underlying all this there is a highly dubious assumption, namely, that those who will identify our misconduct and stand ready to straighten all of us out are properly fit to do that job.  In short, there is a segment of society, an elite, if you will, that is knowledgeable and virtuous to be entrusted with the power to make the rest of us do the right thing.  

This elite is somehow deemed immune to the flaws that render all the rest of us in need of the interference by the Nanny state.  These folks seem somehow to not be flawed as we are so that when they administer their remedial measures upon us, that itself is not vulnerable to malfeasance.  The good and wise operators of the government can be fully trusted with the power Cass Sunstein and Co., believe we need to have imposed upon us for us to live right.

None of this is new, of course.  Political thinking since the time of Plato and his teacher Socrates had often veered in the direction of the more or less overt tyranny Sunstein & Co. are championing.  Indeed, only a few of human history’s outstanding political philosophers and theorists set out to warn against entrusting a special group with power over the rest.  So long as the intention behind such power wielding was successfully promulgated as benign, kind, generous, helpful--that is to say, paternalistic--why oppose it?

The main reason is that no one has the proper authority to play parent to another except in very rare circumstances, mainly when he or she is indeed a parent of that other, with the responsibility to be the caregiver.  Government, as the American founders realized, must refrain from such paternalism not only because it is likely to be inept but mainly because sovereignty belongs to the adult citizens of society, all of them, a not just to some special group which is, after all, no less susceptible to malpractice as are the rest of us.  

Whatever help we require with setting us on the right course must not come at the expense of our basic rights, our nature as sovereign individuals.     

*See “The Petty Tyranny of Government Regulation,” in Tibor R. Machan & M. Bruce Johnson, Rights and Regulation (SF: Pacific Institute for Public Policy Research, 1983), 259-288.

Wednesday, February 13, 2013

The Sad State of the Union

Sad State of the Union

Tibor R. Machan

          President Obama delivered a state of the union address that made no secret of his essentially statist political-economic philosophy. Apart from the details, the major message was that Americans must become part of a herd whether they actually want to, involuntarily serving the country.  Even the conservative commentator, Charles Krauthammer, characterized Mr. Obama's viewpoint without reference to its coercive nature.  That is how ingrained statism is in America now.  


         There was absolutely no reference in the speech to the quintessential American political idea, individual liberty.  Instead the president promoted regimentation of the citizenry into a collective that would be guided -- no, ruled -- by him and his friends. He didn't propose that Americans volunteer to serve each other.  He asserted that they will be forced to labor for common objectives.


         As a naturalized citizen who escaped to America from communism Mr. Obama's political vision is sadly reactionary.  It aims to take us all back to an era when kings, czars, and other forceful rulers herded populations into armies to serve impossible ideals.  What Mr. Obama completely ignored in his speech is that America is supposed to be a community that respects and protects everyone's rights to pursue their own version of human happiness!  And he promoted this idea on the back of one of the the most despicable Leftist mantras, namely, rich bashing. He evidently is counting on the prejudice of millions against those who are well off.  He is, in short, counting on the envy of Americans.


        One can only hope that Mr. Obama is misreading the American people's general outlook on social-economic issues.  Do Americans really accept that the country is involved in a class war, a war pitting those who are striving to improve their lives against those who have attained that objective!  I am hoping that the liberty I and millions of others came to America to enjoy as a matter of our individual human right will once again resume its place as America's public policy priority.*
*This comment was solicited by The Heartland Institute of Chicago, IL, and is among others submitted featured at its blog.

Saturday, February 09, 2013

Bangladesh's lesbian, gay, and bisexual prejudice needs to be stopped!

This is a short essay by a friend of mine.  He has my full support, as does his cause.  The right to choose one's sexual orientation needs support and protection, no less so than other individual rights.

Tibor R. Machan
------------------------------------

Dear friends,

I would like to ask you for your support for a worthy cause I very
much care about.

In Bangladesh, lesbian, gay, and bisexual (LGB) people encounter
extensive prejudice, discrimination, and violence because of their
sexual orientation. Many face discrimination at school, university,
and their workplace, are denied access to health care & justice and
find little support from family members & friends. Section 377 of the
Bangladesh Penal Code, a colonial law enacted in 1860 and left behind
by the British Empire, makes same-sex intercourse a crime punishable
by imprisonment for life. I described the impact this hostile
environment has on the daily lives of LGB people in Bangladesh in a
short article published about a year ago:
http://opinion.bdnews24.com/2012/01/24/bangladesh%E2%80%99s-invisible-minority/.

I'm a member of the Bangladesh Liberal Forum (BLF), a group of loosely
associated activists dedicated to the promotion of liberal values in
Bangladesh. We recently joined our forces with the Bandhu Social
Welfare Society (BSWS, http://www.bandhu-bd.org/) and Boys of
Bangladesh (BoB, http://www.boysofbangladesh.org/) in order to combat
homophobia in Bangladesh. We believe in the power of education to
change the world and consequently created a brochure that we intend to
use to educate people about psychological, legal, and moral issues
pertaining to sexual orientation. We will distribute this brochure at
workshops and conferences, at universities and to NGOs and government
offices in Bangladesh. We will start distributing next month when BSWS
will hold workshops about the rights of sexual minorities with
students of two universities in Dhaka (ULAB and ASA).

I would like to invite you to support us in our struggle against
homophobia in Bangladesh and help us cover the printing cost. We just
ordered 5,000 copies of the English version of our brochure (which you
can find here: <
http://rainerebert.com/What_You_Should_Know_About_Homosexuality.pdf >)
for 350 USD, and we will order a larger number of copies of the
Bengali version once the translation is completed. There is no
administrative cost, so every dollar you give will be used to cover
printing cost, and to educate people about this important issue. Your
donation may be in the form of cash or check. Please mail checks to me
at 8803 Timberside Dr, Apt 2, Houston, TX 77025. If you are in
Germany, the easiest way to give is by bank transfer (Überweisung an
Rainer Ebert, Kontonummer: 54761000, BLZ: 61491010, VR-Bank Elwangen,
Verwendungszweck: LGB Bangladesh). If you are in Bangladesh, please
contact me.

Thank you for your consideration and support. If you have any
questions, please do not hesitate to contact me.

Best wishes

Rainer

P.S.: I plan to thank supporters at
https://www.facebook.com/LGBT.Bangladesh - if you'd like to stay
anonymous, please say so.


Department of Philosophy
Rice University
6100 Main St, MS 14
Houston, TX 77005

United States of America

Tuesday, February 05, 2013

Arrogance of Power

Arrogance of Power!

Tibor R. Machan

Just how utterly reliant on sheer power is President Obama can be appreciated from the fact that no one in his administration bothers to defend his policy of confiscating people’s resources.  Apart from calling upon the phony support of a few super rich folks like Warren Buffet -- who, I understand, is by no means offering his own wealth up for use by Mr. Obama (instead engaging in customary dodging and weaving, not paying up) -- no argument has been put forth by the administration for the progressive tax policy it relies upon.  Merely declaring that the very wealthy “may be asked” to contribute a higher percentage of their belongings isn’t an argument, merely a dishonest dogma.  Why, one may ask!  What principle supports this policy of public finance?  Why must those with exceptional talent, skill, luck, etc. be punished for possessing these?  

Sure, such very rich folks may not need their resources as badly as do poorer folks but why is that a justification for the confiscatory policy?  It simply is not.  Matters concerning who needs what, how much, etc., just have no generalized answer.  “Fair share” is a made up idea, a rationalization, based on nothing more than the wish to take, take, and take some more.  Such a wish has no standing in morality or public finance!

If the country were some kind of club or organization that came together voluntarily, with the provision that dues will be progressive, the case would be different.  But just being born into a society with greater advantages and resources than others possess doesn’t by any means serve as a valid reason to be subjected to confiscation.  Consent would be needed for that, otherwise what we have is nothing different from highway robbery.  

Some gullible folks have compared Obama’s philosophy of public finance to Robin Hoodism but that’s entirely misguided.  What Robin Hood did was to take funds back from those who taxed the population!  Robin Hood correctly regarded taxes as unjustified takings, as robbery!

Some of us are luckier than others; some of us work harder and earn more than others; indeed, the citizens of a free country are a highly varied lot in many respects, including how much they are worth economically!  No one is justified in becoming an equalizer unless consent has been given to take part in such a scheme. (Imagine a marathon race in which at every new position the participants were re-positioned in line with some notion of fairness! Oh, some have imagined that already, such as George Orwell in his classic tale, “Animal Farm,” and Kurt Vonnegut in his short story titled “Harrison Bergeron.” The practice of handicapping has nothing to do with fairness but with keeping the race interesting for spectators.)  

I do not like to ascribe motives to people when they embark upon various objectionable actions or the advocacy of mendacious policies.  Who know what lies in the hearts of such men and women -- envy, resentment, naive idealism, whatever! I do know that the progressive taxation system, even taxation itself, is a vicious way to support policies and projects that one supports in societies.  (We can all come up with innumerable great ideas that maybe others should also embrace but that’s no justification for robbing others of what belongs to them so as to fund those projects or of enslaving them to labor for these!)

I suppose calling the progressive tax policy “progressive” suffices for some people to justify and implement it, to impose it on others who reject it; but it will not wash.  In the end it all amounts to sheer, raw power wielding, comparable to what a lynch mob or bandit does.

Sunday, February 03, 2013

My List

My List

Tibor R. Machan

Once I learned to read there was no end to it.  I used my flashlight to make it possible after I was sent to sleep and my first books were quite a disorderly collection.  I read a bunch of historical novels in Hungarian, several about the 160 year long Turkish occupation of the country. This was followed with Hungarian translations of Mark Twain, Zane Gray, Max Brand and many other American and German novelists (Karl May). When I discovered these I simply devoured them all, nonstop. Earl Stanley Gardner’s series of courtroom stories, starring the invincible Perry Mason, never disappointed me.  Once I flew Hungary I continued with some more classical works, such as Tolstoy and Dostoevsky but I kept up with the lighter fare.

I am still collecting new authors, like Philip Kerr and David Dawson and Robert B. Parker and others.  But my favorite reading still consist of the stories and novels and travelogues of W. Somerset Maugham.  The latter have been supplemented by Pico Iyer and Peter Mayle, two who can describe various parts of the globe most evocatively.  I am especially fond of Mayle’s stories of Provence, which cover history, architecture, cuisine, lodging, and all.

My profession allows me to travel to interesting parts but mostly to do work, so I am not able to tour extensively the places where conferences are being held and where I am asked to present talks. So I supplement my travels with reading the travel writers and by watching some of the travel programs, especially the ones hosted by Burt Wolf and Steven Reeves (though I much prefer the former).  Wolf has a real knack for mixing the several attractive features of the places he visits, architecture, history, religion, philosophy, literature, and art. His humor is delightful and, fortunately, he pretty much skips all politics so one can view his programs and feel like one is taking a vacation.

I finally got a Kindle--even lost one already--which makes taking along reading material on my numerous trips around the globe quite simple now. (I used to haul around books earlier and paid for this by ruining my back so I eventually needed two operations to repair it to reasonable fitness.)

Reading novels has for me the inestimable benefit of coming to know many more human beings than I have the occasion to befriend.  It amazes me how adept novelist are at entering the personalities of their character, navigating a great variety of lives so that the reader comes away from their stories with the impression of having met dozens and dozens of individuals and hundreds of situations.

Not every novelist is likely to suit every reader; different personalities will be entertained and informed in different ways.  Novelists may match up with some but by no means all potential readers.  It is like music and poetry.  While I believe there are standards of aesthetic excellence, there is also a sort of pluralism in art. Again, it is a bit like entertainment and sport--some work for me, some for you, etc., etc.

          My list may not be everyone’s but some will probably find it rewarding just as I did and still do. Friends of mine who know my taste and other values may well find dipping into the list quite satisfactory.  I certainly have enriched my life immensely doing so. 

Sunday, January 27, 2013

My Vigilant Ethical Egoism

My Vigilant Ethical Egoism

Tibor R. Machan

When I was in my late teens I discovered Ayn Rand, in particular her novel The Fountainhead.  Actually I ran across her when I appeared in a theater group’s rendition of her play, The Night of January 16th, at Andrews Air Force Base, but her significance hadn’t dawned on me at that point.

What was most striking about Rand novel and much of her subsequent writing for me, both personally and intellectually, is her rejection of the widespread misanthrope that surrounded my life.  I was raised a Roman Catholic and the doctrine of original sin didn’t sit well with me from the time I first encountered it.  I took that doctrine to mean that human beings had in them a fundamental evil streak, from which Jesus rescued them if only they accepted him as their savior.  Made no sense to me but who was I to take issue with such a powerfully propagated viewpoint?  But I never quite bought it.

Rand’s ideas in The Fountainhead went clearly against this Roman Catholic, indeed Christian tradition and her reasoning for rejecting it struck a chord with me.  It mattered somewhat, also, that my own parents were fiercely misanthropic and drove this home to me very violently at every chance they could get.  Especially my father!  He was an avid anti-Semite and even championed Hitler’s ideas--on top of which I got a solid dosage of Soviet indoctrination in communist Hungary, where I was raised until my early teens--that pretty much took the misanthropic theme as far as it could go.  Individuals had no value as such was the steady message thrust at me!

To this day when I encounter echoes of this point of view, my blood starts to boil. Now and then I find some support for what I mostly felt and thought only in primitive terms but each time I witness the propaganda against individualism, against egoism and self-interest, I recover my resolve to combat the ideas with which it is expressed, be that in a simple sitcom or a movie or a piece of classical literature or a vicious political speech.  In other words, I have internalized the view that human beings are not evil but very capable of doing and being good in all their endeavors, even if they do often go astray and betray their better nature.

And on every front I find occasion to reaffirm this idea, namely, that human nature hasn’t anything inherently evil about it and those who claim that it does are not just misguided but promoting what really is evil.  Why would the self of a being like us deserve such treatment when everywhere evidence shows that human beings not just can be but actually are admirable?  How can human beings as such be viewed so negatively by very prominent figures throughout history?  Sure, some people are indeed vicious but that is not because of human nature but because of their own bad choices and conduct.  By declaring us all inherently bad those who really are such are given an easy excuse, unjustly exculpated in fact!

I didn’t need anyone to alert me to how misguided misanthropy is but it was very encouraging to find a few people, such as Rand, who didn’t fall in line with that kind of perverse thinking. I will always be proud of having joined their ranks, in my various efforts, to point out that humanity is very much a plus in the total known scheme of things instead of complying with the hatefulness of those, like extreme environmentalists in our day and many on the political Left and Right, who demean it so recklessly and unjustly.   

Friday, January 25, 2013

Machan's Archives: The Democratic Ideal

The Democratic Ideal


Tibor R. Machan


         In this essay I wish to revisit democracy since all the power that our current administration is claiming for itself is supposedly justified by way of the democratic method.  But in fact only a properly limited democracy is politically just and justified.

         Democracy is a process by which some decisions are made and in the context of politics it means the kind of system that depends upon the participation of the citizenry for certain purposes.  What grounds democracy as a just mode of political decision-making is that citizens have the ultimate authority concerning certain matters in the polis.  And the reason they do have this ultimate authority is that they are, as adults, equal in their status vis-à-vis the stake they have in their political institutions, their laws, public policies, foreign relations, etc.  That they have this equal status hinges on certain extra or pre-political matters, to be discerned by way of reflection upon human nature and proper human relations. 
          For now I'll simply note that as I understand political matters, they arise from the moral fact that each individual adult human being has as his or her task in life to live it rationally, to flourish as a rational animal.  Since this task for adults can only be achieved if they are not unwillingly subject to the rule of others--in which case it is that other individual's rational choice that would be the ruling principle of one's life--in just communities human beings must be sovereign.  From this it follows that they must have a say in their own political fate, ergo, democracy.
         In any case, democracy is derivative of what human beings are taken to be as they find themselves within a community that aims at justice, a polity.  From the Hobbesian framework, democracy is recommended because all of us are nothing but bits of matter- in-motion and thus lack any significant, fundamental differentiating attributes.  Even our human nature is but nominal, a status in the world established by means of the human intellect's response to the motions that effect the brain, a response itself motivated by the drive for self-preservation or keeping in continued motion in part by naming groups of impulses effecting the brain.  We make the categories, create them by naming our sensory input as we will. So the reason for democracy a la the Hobbesian view is that nothing justifies differentiating some people from others (indeed, if one were to be fully consistent, anything from anything else, at the metaphysical, fundamental level of being.) A somewhat different reason for democracy arises from the Lockean view, one closer to what I sketched above as my own.  For Locke, at least when we turn to his political treatise, we are all equal and independent in the state of nature, i.e., prior to the formation or apart from civil society or the polis.  Adult human beings begin, never mind the precise point of reaching adulthood, as equally embarking on a human life, one that is to be governed by the laws of nature, which is reason, if one but consult it.  In other words, we are all moral agents having to live up to our moral responsibilities or duties, and in this we are all alike.  So we are all endowed with natural rights, which spell out for each of us a sphere of sovereignty or personal authority or jurisdiction.  There are no natural masters or natural slaves (although there may be borderline cases of defective or crucially incapacitated persons).  If this is kept in clear focus, one will realize that a human community starts with no one superior or inferior regarding the issue of the authority to make law and to govern.  Thus, democracy.
         But democracy is a process, morally required by the right to take part in deciding or to give consent.  It is in fact our natural right to person and estate that lies behind the right to be part of the decision-making process involved in politics.  It is not a process that is applicable to everything one might want to influence, however.  There is a proper sphere of democracy.          
Clearly there are those who propose that democracy is unlimited-only the fact that people will things to be one way or another matters.  Some interpreters of Locke have claimed this-e. g., Wilmore Kendall and his followers-as well as some conservatives, e.g., the late Judge Robert Bork.  Thus they argue that once human beings are no longer in a state of nature, they have in effect adopted democracy as a decision-making process regarding whatever comes up for public discussion, whatever a sizable number of them want to subject to this process
.           Yet this seems to me to be wrong, whatever the proper interpretation of Locke might be and I would dispute that Locke can be coherently interpreted this way.  For in Locke the justification for government lies in the need for the protection of natural rights, a protection not easily obtained (except by the strong) in the state of nature.  (And the state of nature need not be a source of much intellectual consternation-it refers to a circumstance not governed by due process or the rule of law, one we may even encounter in a back alley or away from civilization where we can be easy prey for thugs.  In the classic movie, The Man Who Shot Liberty Valance, it was the situation prior to when John Wayne enabled Jimmy Stuart to establish law and order.  In actual life it is the situation one may face in the middle of the Mojave Desert or in any inner city park where law enforcement is nearly nil.)
         So Locke sees the protection of everyone's natural rights as the proper purpose of government.  Since establishing, maintaining and protecting government is itself a form of human activity that can be done well or badly, it must be guided by the principles of natural rights-its creation, development and operations may not encroach upon those rights, lest its proper purpose is undermined.  Perhaps the best way to understand this is by recalling the common sense notion that even the securing of highly valued goals does not justify the employment of immoral means.
         Quite a part from Locke, in any case, unless democracy is itself guided by norms-unless the people express and implement their will as they should and not as they should not-it becomes self-defeating.  Not only is there the problem that such a process is in violation of the rights of innocents who would be made victims of the use of arbitrary force. Unlimited democracy, furthermore, can undo democracy itself.  If democracy, for example, is applied too broadly, it is bent upon defeating its very purpose, the goal that justifies its employment.  To provide a hint via a possible result of the democratic process, suppose that we democratically vote to exclude some people from the voting process.  This is a legacy of some state governments in the United States of America, as well as the efforts of the federal government.  When the possibility of voting is linked to property ownership or some other condition, the democratic process is weakened.  It also occurs when the federal government focuses on what has come to be called inclusiveness so that, for the sake of including into the governing process members of some minority groups, it is decided that other members should be given lower representation.  Such group inclusiveness undermines the natural rights of individuals to take part in the political process, a right that derives from their right to liberty of association.  Yet the underlying justification for democracy is that individuals have the right to consent to their government.  In other words, if the democratic process can justifiably produce governmental measures that violate the natural rights of individuals, this undermines the capacity of these individuals to be full, equally free participants in the democratic process.
         Other kinds of cases abound.  If by the democratic process the rights to life, liberty or property could justifiably be abrogated or violated, those taking part in the process no longer can act freely and independently.  The majority can threaten their free judgments.  It can enact measures that will authorize vindictive official actions against the minority, something that inevitably leads to the undermining of democracy.  That is just why the "democracies" of Eastern Europe were a complete farce despite the great numbers of participants in the actual electoral process.  Thus parties, however, had no liberty to vote as they wanted, for whom they wanted.
         If when I vote I know that voting my conscience will result in having my sovereignty undermined, leading to my partial enslavement or involuntary servitude, I will not likely vote my conscience.  I will act like the victim of the mugger who is told, "Your money or your life!"  When I hand over my money I do it under compulsion not by choice.  (It is a myth that we always have a choice, for a choice that is set out by others regarding one's life, that robs one of one's life and takes away the prospects of a self-governed future, is no choice.)  If a democratic process allows the similar act on the part of the majority, the members of the minority will vote-voice their judgment, indicate their preferences-under severe constraint.  No true majority will can emerge under the circumstances.
         We can extend this analysis now to the realm of contemporary politics in Western democracies.  Let's focus on the general situation in the United States of America today.
         Whenever public programs are being cut, those who have their benefits reduced offer cries of need and those who feel for them cries of compassion.  Yet whenever public programs are proposed, which also cuts out the benefits of those who need to pay for it from higher taxes, it is contended that this is just the result of social life.  After all, "we"  have decided to fund social security, unemployment compensation, the national parks, public broadcasting, or whatnot, haven't we?  So it is no objection to this that some of us suffer losses, that some of us now have to forgo benefits, experience reduced income which can lead to reduced quality of education, recreation, home life, dental care, transportation safety, cultural enrichment, and so forth.  None of this is supposed to matter because "we" have decided to tax ourselves higher to fund all those public programs. Why is it that it is OK to violate the individual rights to liberty and property of millions of people when the lot of us decide to do this but not OK to reduce the benefits of people when a somewhat differently configured lot of us decided to do that?  Why may the choices of some individuals be ignored and thwarted by democratic decision making but not that of others trumped by the same process? The fact is that most people who talk of and like democracy in the context of the currently bloated understanding, they do so only when it supports their agenda.  It is fine to use democracy to rob the rich-it makes it valid public policy instead of theft.  But if the poor are the targets than suddenly democracy is invalid.
         Indeed, the reason is, as suggested earlier, that democracy is never enough.  There must always be some specification of the goals for which democracy is appropriate.  It isn't enough to have a democratic process-it can lead to results of widely different quality.  Sometimes the majority does right, sometimes wrong.  And the task of political theory is, in part, to identify those areas of public life that should be subject to democratic decision making.
         What are those areas?  And why are they the ones?
         Whether alone or with his or fellows, a human being may not do some things to other human beings.  Especially no one may take over another's life.  This is so whether that other's life is fortunate, well to do, talented, accomplished, beautiful, accepted by others and freely granted benefits.  In short, neither the fortunate, let alone accomplished, nor those lacking in good fortune, are available for others to be used when permission hasn't been granted, when consent is not given.  In either kind of case, no one or group may take over another's life--it amounts to the kind of crime classified, variously, as theft, robbery, assault, kidnapping, murder, battery, rape, and other forms of aggression.  And the fact that the numbers of those who do such thing s is increased and even constitute a majority of those concerned makes no difference.  Nor does the fact that some procedure has been followed as these policies are instituted, for lacking the consent, tacit or at least implicit, of those who are to be deprived, makes any such process invalid, unjust, undue.
         It is wrong to steal on one's own as well as with the support of millions.  It is wrong to enslave, to place others into servitude when they refuse, etc., no matter whether one is in the minority or the majority.
         Nor can majorities authorize certain people, their political representatives, to carry out such deeds, even if they do it indirectly, by threatening those whom they would rob, steal from, kidnap, assault or whatever with aggressive enforcement at the hands of the police.  It is wrong, then, even for the government of a representative democracy or republic to carry out such deeds.  Having done it with democratic "authorization" makes it no more right than if no such authorization had taken place.  There i s simply no moral authority for anyone to delegate to another such powers since one hasn't got them in the first place.  If my friends and I enact an elaborate process, surrounded with pomp and circumstances, ritual and ornamentation, to commence kidnapping your children or confiscating your wealth, all this is morally and politically trumped by the fact that your consent to the process has been lacking. Unless you are a criminal, who has by his or her crime in effect tacitly agreed to accept our forcible (self-protective) response, you may not be intruded upon.  Most of this is admitted by all the parties to the debate.  This is why even when the people elect certain political representatives (for example, conservative Republicans), others (for example, liberal Democrats), often claim that what results, in terms of legitimation, is wrong and should not have been done.  They maintain this in various political forums that are supposedly the spheres of democratic decision making.  So they evidently think t hat what the democratic process produces is not decisive as to what ought to be done.  Even if a law passes, critics will call it wrong-heartless, unkind, lacking in compassion. Even supporters of legal positivism, who discount any moral dimension of the legislative process, such as the obligation to be guided by natural or divine law, will protest democratic attacks upon values other than democracy. Because no one simply accepts the answer to a challenge of a democratically arrived at result which the y find morally abhorrent that, well, it was brought about by way of the democratic process-"we" did it, so it's OK, a matter of society's collective will. (Even in criminal trials, the mini-democracy of jury verdict is governed by firm provisions of due process and with opportunities of appeal.)
         It is, then, no valid answer to those who protest the taking of their life-time, income, good fortune or whatever by majority vote that, well, this is OK since it is done democratically.  The violation of the rights of individuals is no more justified by democracy than is collective callousness. Which raises the issue of how to be kind, compassionate, generous, and helpful to those in genuine need without violating the rights of individuals to life, liberty and property? 
        
The answer is actually quite plain: Do it, promote it, and exhibit it by your own conduct!  When members of a society learn that moral principles cannot justly be violated by the democratic process, so they may not violate anyone's rights with the excuse that "we" did it so it's OK, they learn, also, that when the right thing must be done, it has to be done by choice, free of coercion.  So the help that the poor and needy should be given must be given at the initiative of the free citizen-via charity, generosity, philanthropy, and, yes, the facilitation of productive opportunity.

Tuesday, January 22, 2013

Obama's Macabre Politics

Obama’s Macabre Politics

Tibor R. Machan

Over the last few weeks, indeed since his victory at the polls, I have been listening to President Obama’s speeches quite regularly.  I wasn’t surprised one bit at his ready exploitation of the Connecticut schools shooting.  As one of his hacks, Emanuel Rahm, said a few months ago, “You never let a serious crisis go to waste. And what I mean by that it's an opportunity to do things you think you could not do before.”  And more government control of the lives of American citizens is, as I can figure it, the priority of this president.  He believes we are a tribe that he rules and whatever chance he finds he will use to make sure everyone does what he envisions is the proper thing to do.  Give up your weapons, let the feds be the sole armed group in the country!  Treat all wealth as public, collective, and basically abolish private property rights, mostly by way of the constant increase of taxation.  Don’t respect anyone’s right to use and dispose of resources but assume full authority over these and set the priorities for what to do with them.  

I suppose there is still some semblance of liberty left in the country--mostly having to do with the free flow of opinion and the permission to engage in a great variety of artistic expression (although judging by what kind of works seem to gain the approval of the elite media even this may reasonably be doubted).

If you check the president’s inauguration speech accepting his election to a second term as president of the country, there is in it evidence of a decisive tone of postmodernist political thinking, the road to confusing the public.  That is to say, no rhyme or reason can be found in the political ideas Obama has chosen to lump together.  There is in the pile a bit of this, a bit of that, a bit of yet something else--socialism, capitalism, fascism, authoritarianism, welfare statism, feudalism, and nearly every other identifiable political viewpoint.

It is almost as if he and his team is deliberately advancing an incoherent agenda, one that will leave the American people with no guide to what to expect from his administration of the American government.  There certainly is no loyalty to the central element of the American political tradition, namely the doctrine of individual rights.  Indeed, if anything, that is one feature completely missing from Mr. Obama’s political stew.  We must all comply with his vision of a human community, a vision the centerpiece of which is that “we are all in it together,” that we are one huge tribe or hive of people who individually are hapless and indeed worthless.  But even this collectivist political alternative is buried in mishmash so it’s hard to identify it and so it certainly doesn’t commit Mr. Obama to having to defend it with a coherent political argument.

The philosophical guidance to this kind of political thinking has had serious proponents, don’t get me wrong.  There is nothing original about it.  Indeed, it is a kind of chicken coming home to roost situation--the founders being the likes of the ancient sophists featured in Plato’s dialogues and the more recent irrationalists such as Paul Feyerabend (check his book Farewell to Reason) and Richard Rorty (whose essay “The Priority of Democracy to Philosophy” is very helpful essay for grasping Mr. Obama’s way of thinking in which the population’s unavoidably hotch potch viewpoint is endorsed as against the aim to forge a rational public philosophy).

I do not know if Mr. Obama has read all these and other irrationalist and post-modernist thinkers and consciously follows them but as a self-proclaimed (but much disputed) radical “pragmatist” the way he presents himself in his most recent political proclamations suggests very strongly that he is being deliberately obscure.  Why?

My guess is that his goal of top down control of American society is taken by him to benefit from leaving his audience, indeed the entire American public, baffled as to just what is best in political matters.

           The only explicit school of politics this approach comes close to is fascism in which the society’s leadership if left in the hands of a charismatic ruler, like Mussolini or Hugo Chavez.  Do Mr. Obama’s supporters realize this about him and his ideas?  I do not know.

Sunday, January 06, 2013

My Recent Kafkaesque Experience

My Recent Kafkaesque Experience

Tibor R. Machan

It may not be the kind of experience many others have had other than at the Department of Motor Vehicles but I recently went through one that brought to mind Franz Kafka.

I have been trying to refinance my house for months but my bank, Wells Fargo, refused to even talk about it.  I had there one of the brusquest bankers, as bad as any bureaucrat I’ve dealt with from the feds.  But in time my tenacity won out and I divorced Wells Fargo but not before I went through a pretty wild bureaucratic side trip.

To get refinanced I was told I had to come up with my social security card.  I received that back in 1956 and haven’t seen it since so I didn’t even try to find it but went straight to trying to get a replacement copy.  To do this I had to send Social Security my passport to prove that I am a citizen.  (I am a naturalized one of those and having been smuggled out of Hungary, I have no birth certificate.)

I filled out the needed forms and sent in the passport but never heard back from them with the new card I needed.  Well, since I was planning a trip abroad, I had to have a passport but social security played deaf and dumb.  Finally I went to Los Angeles, a 100 mile round trip, and got a brand new passport (after spending hours on the phone about it all), which cost me a couple of 100 mile road trips to the federal building there, plus some $200 and price of passport pictures, etc., etc.  I was to pick up the new passport at 1 PM one day but of course they didn’t get it ready until 2 plus.  And dealing with these folks is a pain since they all treat you like you are some subject, never mind being a citizen of a supposedly free country by whom they are supposedly employed.

So in time I did get the new passport into my hands and was ready to board my plane.  Since where I was to go requires a visa, that added another small bureaucratic step to the proceedings.  (My private sector travel agent was very helpful with this, also very pleasant, in contrast to the public servant federal agents I encountered.)

Of course all the steps I needed to take were routine but no less drab and annoying for that. The federal building in Los Angeles reminded me of that monstrosity in Bucharest that the Romanian dictator Nicolae Ceauşesco built over several acres, an architectural obscenity if there ever was one.  This American version was just a little bit more tolerable and no more user friendly.

Mind you, thousands go through the experience of dealing with the feds and paying for their ineptitude.  I was told that the reason I needed to come up with the social security card is that Homeland Security now requires it when one refinances or buys a home but then just after I did my best to comply with this, I was informed that it wasn’t really needed, after all. But by then I had mailed my passport off and the loss of it was pretty much guaranteed.  (It’ll probably turn up somewhere “in the system” over the next year and I will be able to stick it away as a souvenir.)

One element of these relatively petty experiences is that one just has no leverage with the several functionaries one must deal with.  Since any one of them can put a monkey wrench in the proceedings, standing there and looking intimidating in their uniforms, even I refrain from arguing with them.  (Why do they say 1 PM when it is actually 2 PM?  Why do they say they needed the Social Security card but then it turns out they do not?)  

Not that these are earth shaking matters but if one multiplies them by several hundred thousands, even millions, one begins to grasp just how inefficient governments are and how readily they muck things up in society.  The functionaries certainly do not treat you as citizen-customers to whom they need to show some deference!  They all comport themselves with the attitude that they have the upper hand and you should be grateful that they do their jobs for you. Or something.

And I am actually somewhat prepared for this kind of an experience, having been acclimated to it from my early years in “communist” Hungary and over the years as I moved through various layers of officialdom as a refugee, in the military, at state universities, etc., etc.  And all along I was actually trying to pay attention since I was also a student of the system!  

I thus feel for all those folks who are required to submit to the system!  What a nightmare!  Kafkaesque, indeed.

Friday, December 21, 2012

The Erosion of Our Freedom

The Erosion of Our Freedom

Tibor R. Machan

Often when I argue that governments must not violate our rights--they are supposed to be unalienable, after all--statists have a ready retort:  Government is already violating them, good and hard, all over the place.  

Recently I pointed out that imposing fines and constraints on gun owners who haven’t been shown to have committed a crime, not even close, is a case of prior restraint, of unjustifiably depriving a citizen of liberty since only convicted and guilty people may be so deprived. In a free country citizens may not be intruded upon by their governments without having been convicted by methods of due process.  Governments, in other words, are supposed to defend the rights of their citizens; that is their proper purpose!

My statist adversaries eagerly point it out to me that government is intruding upon as all over the place: we are forced to obtain a driver’s license, innumerable permits as we go about living in our communities (building our homes, engaging in businesses, practicing professions, etc.).  Nearly everything we do requires a license even though we are legally innocent!  Ergo: prior restraint big time!

Now some of this is accurate enough--citizens in America are indeed subjected to prior restraint left and right, up and down. Most of the time the justification given is that government must protect us against possible malpractice and government regulations and licensing are the best way to do this, never mind that our rights are clearly being violated in the process. Unalienable is a nice idea in a document like the Declaration of Independence, but let’s get real, please!  It is completely impractical in actual life, right?

Wrong.  It is not some kind of romantic, impossible idealism to insist that when anyone intrudes upon another person, this must be properly warranted--as it would be in self-defense, for example.  Just notice how easily this is grasped when it comes to sexual freedom--no amount of “necessity” or “practicality” overturns the prohibition against rape or even plain sexual harassment. Why is that so simple to grasp?  Because it is a form of intrusion that is very close to home, quite direct, not encumbered by fancy-shmancy public policy rhetoric!

Insisting that prior restraint be banned overall is just taking the above line about all uninvited intrusions by some people against others. If the intrusion is indeed invited, no problem--surgeons, dentists, personal trainers and coaches routinely intrude on us but with our permission, so that is unobjectionable.  

However, for centuries this was not so--the royal courts and similar oppressive regimes ran roughshod routinely over their subjects (!) since they were actually deemed as their owners (which is how serfdom and slavery managed to be palatable). In time the idea gained currency that such subjugation lacked justification, amounted to coercive imposition based on various fictions of class superiority, etc.  Once these were demonstrated to be unfounded, slowly but surely it dawned upon millions--as it is still dawning upon them across the globe--that the oppressors were getting away with a ruse and resisting them is just and right.

It is about time that even the more subtle sorts of oppression, involving the prior restraint I was pointing to above, be abolished.  If problems need to be solved, they must be solved without resort to some people coercing others!  Again, think how natural this is when it comes to sexual intercourse! It should be plain across the board of all human relations not confined only to sex.  The law and public policy must be adjusted to the principles laid out in the Declaration of Independence, namely, the universality of our basic rights to our lives, liberty and property!  No compromise, however imperative it may appear, must be tolerated.

         When it was pointed out that the price of liberty is indeed eternal vigilance, the point of that warning was exactly to alert everyone that various sophistical, phony reasons will be used to erode our liberties.  Just recall for instance what was noted by William Pitt, the elder: “Necessity is the excuse for every infringement of human freedom. It is the argument of the tyrant and the creed of the slave.”

Thursday, December 20, 2012

Gun Control Obscenities

Gun Control Obscenities

Tibor R. Machan

When the massacre occurred in Connecticut, there was no call for commentary, certainly not from me who lives thousands of miles from where it occurred and knew none of the victims, the culprit or their family.  Silence was probably the right reaction, and some reflections on just how vulnerable people can be in even a quite civilized society.  I could have come up with some ideas on the effects of disarming school teachers and administrators but without knowing details, they would have been unhelpful.

What did start to prompt foul reactions from me is the politicians’ beginning to sound off.  How they took advantage of the grief surrounding the event was not only predictable but disgusting.  Promising to reenact the old and by all accounts quite ineffective federal assault weapons ban is difficult to explain as anything more than an empty political--in the worst sense of the term--gesture.  

And of course all the venom was directed not at the perpetrator, by then himself deceased--and good riddance--but at opponents of gun control legislation.  Scapegoating is what the politicians who chimed in did so diligently.  Not a single gun control opponent could be faulted for the horrors inflicted upon the victims, not a one, yet they were under moral indictment by the politicians, including President Obama, more so than the culprit.  

Just let us remember that a good many who oppose federal and other gun control laws do so on grounds that they do not want the federales to be the only armed people in the realm.  Rightly or wrongly, they are concerned that disarming the citizenry who have done nothing to deserve that is a pointless and mindless self-indulgence, nothing at all useful or helpful.  In a considerably free country people will always be able to engage in murderous conduct.  It happens day in and day out across America and elsewhere.  It is one part of the price of liberty, namely, that citizens are not shackled and bound and thus are able to carry out not just all the praiseworthy but also many vile acts.  For such acts they would best be severely punished--something, by the way, that most gun control advocates are notoriously silent about!  (I watched quite a few talks shows and read a bunch of pundits during the last several days and those lamenting the lack of police state like gun prohibition--which have been and are still favored by tyrannies and dictatorships throughout history and the globe--have expressed zero hostility toward the people who carry out massacres like the one in Connecticut.  It is, instead, always society or culture or America or some such nebulous culprit that’s being blamed, with the actual perps mostly suffering from alienation, mental disease, etc.  Among these folks the idea of human evil appears not to have any reality to it!)

Another reaction from the political class, you know which I have in mind, that’s really pathetic is the promises made not to allow such a thing to happen, ever again!  And just how is that going to be done?  Even if every school in the world will have a squadron of cops marching up and down its corridors, how will it be assured that among them there will not be some vile sadists who will take advantage of their privileged position and carry out a similar deed?  How will Mr. Obama make sure that that will never happen?  So because this is nonsense, and because Mr. Obama is certainly not ignorant about it, what we must be witnessing is rank demagoguery.

Sometimes the best response to what happens in the world is outrage, especially with those who carry out vicious deeds.  Human beings are, after all, the one known animal that is responsible for its behavior, driven not by instincts but by conscious choices.  When those choices are irresponsible ones and vile, they are the ones whose guilt should be our focus.  

As we learn from Shakespeare--from Cassius in Julius Caesar, Act 1, scene 2--"The fault, dear Brutus, is not in our stars, But in ourselves.” Indeed, the kid who carried out the murders in Connecticut is very likely the responsible party.  Let’s get that right and then we might embark on some useful understanding of such deeds.