Governor Christie's Demagoguery

Governor Christie’s Demagoguery

Tibor R. Machan

In his put down of Senator Rand Paul for the latter’s defense of limited governmental powers in foreign policies, Governor Chris Christie has not produced arguments but engaged in demagoguery.  Bringing up the grieving of relatives of 9/11 victims amounts to just that.

The issue is whether the government has the authority to exert military and similar power as it carries out the task of securing the rights of the citizenry.  It must find a way and not violate rights, for which there is no excuse.  If governments do engage in rights violation while securing the rights of the citizenry, they become criminal organizations and lose their moral authority, period.

Senator Rand Paul is asserting this line of thinking and to try to refute him by the demagoguery resorted to by Governor Christie demonstrates that ineptitude of the government.  After all, officials of the government take an oath to carry out their task within constitutional limits.  Just as cops must not overstep these as they do their job, so must federal officials.  Only very rarely may there be exceptions to this policy, in cases of imminent danger.

It is really sad that a governor of an American state doesn’t grasp all this.

Policy Sans Ethics

Policy Sans Ethics

Tibor R. Machan

Yet another ancient political debate concerns whether public policy needs to be based on certain norms, or ethical principles.

Classical and a few modern political philosophers -- e.g., Socrates, Plato, Aristotle, Aquinas, Spinoza, John Locke, et al. -- argued that to learn how to govern, one must have certain values for which governing needs to aim.  These would be justice, peace, equality, or liberty. The source of these values might be one or another conception of the divine, human nature, intuition, majority sentiment or something like these.

This approach was referred to as foundationalism and the debates concerned how to achieve the values, not weather such values are needed to guide public affairs.

The idea is well exhibited in the Declaration of Independence where the goal of governance is to secure the protection of the fundamental rights of the citizenry. The limitations of governance stem from those rights, as they are laid out in, for example, the American Bill of Rights.  Any policy proposal that violates such rights is null and void and the Supreme Court had been established to supervise governors with that in mind.

In time, however, another school of governance emerged and began to challenge the kind that relied on basic principles and values for guidance. The source of this alternative school was American pragmatism. 

Pragmatists such as Charles Peirce, C. I. Lewis, John Dewey, Oliver Wendel Holmes, Jr., didn't think there exist any fundamental principles to guide public policy.  Instead the best we can do is identify practical approaches.  This is the by now well known "whatever works" approach.  For example, “Defenders of Chicago-style law and economics want to be seen not as ideologues [the term of denigration for the principled approach], but as realists.  [Judge Richard] Posner [put it this way]: ‘We ask not whether the economic approach to law is adequately grounded’ in any particular ethical system, ‘but whether it is the best approach for the contemporary American legal system to follow.’” Peter Coy, “Opening Remarks,” Bloomberg Businessweek, 6/11-6/17, 2012, p. 10.

The trouble is that without some reference to ethics or values there is no way to tell what "the best approach for the contemporary American legal system" would amount to.  "Best" is a value term and when Judge Posner makes use of it, he admits, at least implicitly, that even his pragmatic or practical approach to law and public policy aims to be tied to certain ideals of right versus wrong.

All pragmatists face this problem, be they inclined toward the Right (such as Posner) or Left (such as Cass Sunstein). Their pragmatism may suggest otherwise but in their public policy preferences they show their hands clearly enough.  Without a foundation to back up their preferences, their public philosophy ultimately turns out to be arbitrary, based on wishes and hopes, not on anything that could be ascertained such as human nature, God's will, etc.

The bottom line is that the pragmatic approach simply fails to be a substitute for the approach that rests on basic principles or values.  It invokes hidden principles, ones that its advocates believe can escape the need for justification. But that is quite hopeless.

Shopping in communism versus capitalism

Shopping in communism versus capitalism

Tibor R. Machan

       In a narrative portion of his latest (and characteristically riveting) novel the author has written the following sentence that prompts me to wag my finger at him a bit.  “Now it was a Western-style shopping mall stuffed with all the useless trinkets capitalism had to offer...” Daniel Silva, The English Girl (2013). The sentence reveals something very important about capitalism as well as Silva’s apparent failure to understand it.  

Silva was contrasting the Soviet style, drab, grey shopping center with the more recent type that have been springing up in Russia and the former Soviet bloc.  Yet instead of showing appreciation for the mall with its great variety of trinkets, which include both what he can consider useless and the useful kind, he appears to show disdain for it.  

It is precisely the fact that such malls include thousands of trinkets, some useful to some, some not, that makes capitalism so benevolent. Unlike the Soviet Union and its satellites, where only what the leadership deemed to be useful got featured in shopping malls (such as they were), in Western-style malls millions of different individual and family preferences are on display and for sale, aiming to satisfy the huge variety of tastes and preferences.

I recall many moons ago there was a fuss about the popularity of the Pet Rock!  It was -- may still be -- a trinket sold as a novelty item. I remember defending it from its disdainful, snooty critics, arguing that there may well be a few people for whom it would be suitable gift.  

Say your grandfather worked in a mine or quarry and now on his 80th birthday you want to get him something not quite useful but meaningful!  He has everything useful already, so you pick the Pet Rock for him.  It would make a nifty memento!  Might even bring tears to his eyes.

For millions of others it would indeed be a “useless trinket” but not for old granddad. And for every other item that author Silva may consider useless, there will be someone who finds it touching!

That is precisely what individualism implies. Something Marxists cannot appreciate since for them only what advances the revolution counts as useful. Individuals as such, with their idiosyncrasies, do not count for anything! And capitalism rejects this misanthropic doctrine, which is why the enormous variety of goods and services is part of it while under socialism and communism only what is proper for the revolution makes sense to produce!

          I wish Mr. Silva had indicated some of this as he derided those Western-style shopping malls.  Even if he cannot find something useful for himself in them, he can at least appreciate them as contemporary museums of possibilities.

Too Many Un-American Americans

Too Many Un-American Americans

Tibor R. Machan

I am not sure Senator Rand Paul’s political philosophy is all around sound but one portion has my support and should have everyone’s.  It is his consistent defense of the (George) Washingtonian idea of limited government as it pertains to America’s foreign and military policies.  This is especially true as it applies to his recent championing of withdrawing funding Egypt’s military.

Let us remember a simple yet revolutionary idea associated with America, indeed one that has made the country exceptional among all major and minor political associations.  This is the basic, natural right to individual liberty!  

In more or less complex renditions America has always been associated with the public philosophy that condemns one person’s using another for a purpose that this other doesn’t share.  Very, very rarely, in some great emergency only, is it permissible for a person to coerce another, even for the most noble of reasons (something John Stuart Mill demonstrated with his example of forcibly preventing someone from stepping on a collapsing bridge.)  That is why slavery was such a blemish in the history of this country, because it was the gravest of evils perpetrated, subjugating others to one’s own will without their consent!  It was hypocritical, vile, embarrassing, corrupting.  

No governmental policy that goes directly against the mandate by which government must operate -- “To secure the protection of individual rights!” -- is tolerable.  Sadly this uniquely novel American idea is now cast aside by the likes of President Obama and his team of petty tyrants. The notion that politicians, with their bureaucrats, ought to regiment the citizenry is all too often accepted by the citizenry itself, if only because the “public” educational system fails to teach what the American founders spelled out so clearly in the Declaration of Independence and the Bill of Rights.

Only if the idea of everyone’s fundamental right to liberty is recovered, will most of what ails us be addressed successfully.

A Precise on Public Finance

A Precis on Public Finance

Tibor R. Machan

In a free country public finance pertains to how the proper tasks of government must be funded.  The first issue is what amounts to bona fide public finance.  Since the job of government is to secure the protection of the rights of the citizenry, public finance must deal with funding such protection.  Courts, the military, police, intelligence services, etc., etc., all of which concern securing the protection of our rights would need to be funded.  

Surprisingly, for those who base their public philosophy on tradition, such funding doesn’t require the extortionist policy of taxation (http://philpapers.org/rec/MACNTW).

In our time the doctrine of limited government -- severely limited, as per the philosophy of the Declaration of Independence -- is not favored by the mainstream discussants in the field of public finance and policy.  But remnants of it do make their appearance here and there.  For my purpose here what needs to be emphasized is that with proper limits on the scope of government, the cost of its functions, the amount of the national wealth required to fulfill its proper purpose, would be far less than what mainstream public finance experts claim.  The national debt, for example, would be miniscule compared to what it is now -- indeed, arguably there would be none except in public emergencies.

So, to put it bluntly: restrain government, its job and scope, and you have fixed the country’s financial woes.  This is no different in principle from how household finance needs to be managed.  Occasional emergencies may warrant borrowing funds, going into debt, but ordinarily staying within the limits of the household’s budget would be the right course.

The details would, of course, need to be worked out over time but the essentials are as I explain here.

My Rich Society: Novels, etc.

My Rich Society: Novels, etc.

Tibor R. Machan

I read several novels at once -- well, side by side. At least four of them.  

In a way they provide me with a highly varied social life, as if I dined with different groups of people on different occasions, breakfast with a collection of W. Somerset Maugham characters, lunch with a group assembled by Philip Kerr and Daniel Silva, and so forth.  All these people live their stories in these novels and I feel like I visit with them as I read the books, a bit here, a bit there.  Quite fascinating bunch, in different locations, at different historical periods, bring to my table different skills and talents. Often the novel’s locations are those I have visited in the past but now I don’t need to go through airports and train stations but draw on memories and the novelists’ imaginative descriptions.

i discovered this way of enriching my social life some time ago and continued the practice once its benefits became evident to me.  It’s as if I had a pretty large selection of friends and acquaintances with whom I can spend time and whose experiences I can draw on as I live my relatively solitary life now.  Aside from the nearby members of my family and a few local and spread out friends, I have all these fictional characters whose lives I share.  There is tragedy, comedy, ordinary drama, political and military intrigue, history and adventure, what have you! Rome, Stockholm, Paris, Berlin, Moscow, Budapest, San Francisco, and many more unfold before me with the help of the authors whose works I read.

Every day I have some time to spend with others, most of these others come out of the novels.  I am told that it is actually good for my aging mind to be tuned in to such a variety of people and events and all of what they bring into my life.

It is also quite realistic since if I did have a wide circle of people with whom I spent time, they, too, would provide this kind of variety.  There is, of course, what DVR technology makes possible, namely, recording a bunch of shows, programs, movies, etc. and watching parts of these when one has time to do so.  Because it is possible to watch a bit and then pause to watch something else.  And once one has had one’s fill of fiction, one can check out the news and some documentary -- I am especially fond of wildlife and travel programs but because I don’t have the time to watch for the entire length of the recording, I can stop midway through and return later.

I think you get the point.  Maybe my way fits you too.  There are lots of options to select from.

Machan's Archives: Without A Proper Plan!

Machan's Archives: Without a proper plan

Tibor R. Machan

        A vital difference between champions of the fully free society (or libertarianism) and others who are concerned with political economic matters is that the former really do not approve of imposing any kind of agenda on the lives of others no matter how desirable it would be.  Not even universal education, let alone universal health care, is deemed important enough for libertarians to assume power over other people -- e.g., the parents of children, those with ailing elderly in their homes, etc.  Unless there really is negligence involved, such that someone is failing to fulfill a legal obligation to feed his or her children, the government simply has no role.  Furthermore, those who really accept the imperative to respect the rights of everyone to live as they choose provided no one's rights are being violated, may not force others to do the right thing in, say, abstaining from racial or gender discrimination at the workplace, just as this is something one may not impose on others in their personal lives. 

        This full commitment to human liberty is really quite an unusual and often difficult stance to uphold.  Yet it is at the heart of the difference between what a free and what an authoritarian or totalitarian society is about.  Just as no one may force others to go to a certain church, regardless of how sincerely and devoutly one holds to one's religious faith, neither may these other practices that to many appear to be elementary decency be imposed on other persons.  Just as no one may impose on others what they must read, so others must not be forced to do all kinds of things that are deemed to be just and proper.  Just as in one's personal life one must be free to choose with whom one will or will not associate, the same holds for one's professional associations.  (There are some intricacies here that can make it appear that one isn't free to avoid others with whom one doesn't want to fraternize -- as when one joins a club that has a non-discriminatory policy -- but those are complications that would need to be discussed elsewhere.)

        Many decent people recoil in disgust from these elements of a free society while they accept others which are very similar.  They do not mind that freedom implies that people can read or write whatever they please, however immoral it may be; yet they refuse to accept that one has a basic -- and should have a legal -- right to adopt highly objectionable policies at the factory or office that one owns.  They see nothing odd about people refusing to accept someone into their family who does not share their religious or even political convictions while they consider it impermissible that they may refuse to hire such people even if this is a fully disclosed condition for employment.

        The realm of the private is far broader in a free society than most people realize, so private choices and preferences have a greater scope.  Which can be a very benign influence over the society as well as introduce some not very admirable ones.  This, however, is the implication of taking the right to liberty really seriously instead of cherry picking liberties that one likes and are uncontroversial. 

        A truly free country leaves it to its citizens to plan their lives, for better or for worse, and refuses to permit the imposition of plans on them even by the most wise and smart among us.  If one has plans for others, regardless how worthy they may be, these must be promoted without coercion, by voluntary means.  That is indeed the mark of civilization -- human relations must at all level adhere to the principle of free association and avoid treating people as if they may be included in the plans of others without their willing participation.  However cumbersome this may appear, it is still the basic imperative of a free society.

        Those who understand this and advocate it may themselves find some of the implications very distasteful.  That people may indulge their anti-Semitic, racist, male chauvinist and similar objectionable attitudes is not something that is easy to accept.  But if one is going to be serious about trying to build a just and free society, accepting it all is simply unavoidable, just as it is in the sphere of free speech or expression wherein extensive materials are deemed legally protected even when they are distasteful, insulting, offensive, and otherwise morally objectionable.  Freedom is risky but worth defending in any case.  One needs to make clear that when it is defended one is not also defending what it’s used for, just like defending the free press doesn’t imply that everything produced by the press -- or by artists, authors, journalists, etc. -- is worthwhile.  Freedom is a superior value even if acting freely can be morally odious.

A Friend's Zimmerman/Martin Reflections

A Friend’s Zimmerman/Martin Reflections

Tibor R. Machan

        Over these last few days I have sat reading and listening to many comments about the Zimmerman episode but could only shake my head mostly in disbelief--has the country gone crazy?  

        And then today a friend from way back--we served in the US Air Force together some 50 years ago--sent me the following which I believe is exactly on the money.  So I asked his permission to share it and here it is:

“I guess that it's my old age.  I am imagining that most, if not all, commentary in the media, particularly the President, report and react to the Zimmerman-Martin trial as if Zimmerman had seen an unknown young "unarmed" black, not white, teenager, in his neighborhood, walked up to him without provocation, shot him dead, and a white jury said he was not guilty of any crime.

“The jury mistakenly took the allegations that a young black, not white, unarmed teenager was drawing blood from Zimmerman by bashing his head against the concrete while Zimmerman yelled for help, as fact, when, of course, those allegations were made by white people so they must have been lies, therefore, we won't mention them in our rants about injustice and the necessity to break-in and rob stores to retaliate for a prejudicial system.

“No,. . . as the President points out, black people are not  "naive" about statistics showing the extraordinary preponderance of young black men committing a full range of crimes including murder well above the percent of their population numbers compared with white peers.  Is a better word "denial"?

“To remove the fear many whites demonstrate when in the presence of young black men in circumstances specified by the President, they are going to have to earn the removal of that fear by a statistical change in behavior.  No amount of "education" or any other fix will ever remove it.

“But, not to worry, this is all happening in my imagination.”

Machan's Archives: Fourth of July Reflectios

Machan's Archives: Fourth of July Reflections

Tibor R. Machan

For some people the Fourth of July is the most important holiday in America.  Sadly, not for all, especially not just now when most of the leadership of the country has made it clear that principles do not matter.  What matters is what is expedient or practical, which is something very unstable.

Sadly there is an element to the Fourth that has always been a liability.  It is that principles of politics, economics, ethics or any other practical field have been championed as if they were like principles of geometry, logic or mathematics, namely, timelessly true, certain beyond a shadow of a doubt.  Like timeless laws of nature!  And no practical principles can be like that since the future can always bring to light facts that could require modifying them.  This was something the framers of the American system were well aware of, which is why they included the amendment provision in the constitution.  This doesn’t mean principles do not exist only that they are always to be understood within the most up to date context of their subject matter.

Because the basic principles that are to be celebrated on the Fourth of July are derived from human nature, which remains stable over centuries on end, they are good guides to the way a human community should be framed or constituted.  Human nature hasn’t changed for a very long time and so it can serve as a stable basis for how human communities are to be conceived and governed.  Many aspects of human life change but human nature has remained stable, unchanging for centuries and so it can serve as the basis of a legal order, just as the American founders believed, based on their study of some of the great moral and political thinkers in human history.

If, however, the possibility of having to make some changes, amendments, alterations, or modifications on those principle is denied, their credibility suffers. No one can reasonably guarantee that those principles will never need some alteration and by promising that they won’t, they become vulnerable to valid skeptical doubts.  And those who have not liked the principles of the Declaration and the Bill of Rights, all the statists who live in the country, can take advantage of this and even ridicule the idea of our finding such stable basic principles.  By making the mistake of claiming that the principles are everlasting, they are put into jeopardy at the hands of their detractors and enemies.

Nor are the principles of the Declaration self-evident!  It is made clear in the document itself that they are only held to be such, for purposes of making the declaration.  Since they require demonstration and proof, they can only be held to be but are not in fact self-evident!  Very few truths are self-evident and the Founders were aware of this--for example, the first principles of logic that Aristotle identified (since they are required to prove anything in need of being proven).

Misunderstanding this has also been used by detractors for purposes of discrediting the principles involved in the founding of the country.  This despite the fact that the Declaration is quite clear about the matter: “We hold these truths to be self-evident” instead of “These truths are self-evident.”

Unfortunately, throughout the educational system of the country, from the elementary to the graduate levels, making this clear is difficult since strictly speaking the principles of the Declaration do not support government run educational institutions.  Limited government is what those principles support and permitting government to run the bulk of the educational system expands the scope of government way beyond what it is limited to in the philosophy of the Declaration, the founding document of the country that states clearly that government is instituted so as to secure our individual rights!  

It would be paradoxical for most educators to take seriously the idea of limited government since they are all complicit in expanding government’s reach into the lives of the citizenry.  So the proper study of the meaning of the Declaration and thus the type of country this is supposed to be would invalidate the public or governmental educational system.

          Which is one reason why there is no general understanding within the population of just what kind of political system the American founders produced.  Most of these educators are, in fact statists, through and through, and within that framework they cannot make clear sense of the principles of the Declaration of Independence and, therefore, of what is really to be celebrated on the Fourth of July.

Ethnicity is Obsolete

Ethnicity is Obsolete

Tibor R. Machan

     One of Greece's most notable pieces of ancient history concerns the region's repeated battles with barbarians from the East.  The Greeks considered themselves civilized, advanced, cultured people.  Cultural chauvinism had been rampant and in most historical accounts it is generally thought to have been fully justified.  The reason is that despite much dispute about what if anything is universally, objectively true concerning how human beings ought to organize their communities, certain basic principles are not thought to be controversial.  Thus, for example, we now take it that human beings possess certain basic rights.  And while this idea may have been expressed differently in ancient times, the Greeks of 5th century B.C. made the greatest leap toward implementing it in their communities.  Democracy itself was a result of this revolutionary public policy.  And there were all kinds of ethical, intellectual, scientific and related advances made by the Greeks which set them miles ahead of other civilizations of the time.

    Yet even back in those days it was rather difficult to be clear(about who actually was a civilized person and who a barbarian.  Some who might have looked more like most of the former, did not behave accordingly, and vice-verse.  For example, among the barbarians who became slaves in Greece, some became formidable thinkers of their own right.  Certainly, interbreeding began right off.  So it was by no means simple from the outset to identify ethnic membership. 

    And this is as one might expect.  After all, what really unites us biologically in this world is our membership in the human species.  Our so called ethnic membership is ultimately irrelevant to what and who we are, in the final analysis.  It comprises only incidental, traditional or conventional elements of our makeup.  We take on those elements because our parents and our neighbors insist, not because they are inborn. 

    If this was true already in the 5th century B.C., it is certainly true today.  That is why the recent efforts to reintroduce ethnicity into modern society were so wrongheaded and such a sign of regress instead of progress in the human condition. 

    One need only travel a bit and notice how true this is.  On this trip, which I took so as to deliver a talk about individualism at a conference - held at the Athens University of Economics and Business - I had an experience that fully highlights this point.  I met a young person from Pakistan who is engaged to an Italian and they both wish to marry.  But the parents of the former are against it on grounds that we can only consider ethnic prejudice.  Yet, except for the desire to please the parents, the young persons see no point in upholding the ethnic boundaries that supposedly separate them.  Those boundaries are, as they see it, entirely arbitrary except for the wishes of some who are dear to them.  This is an especially poignant case to me since I know a young woman who is a Danish national whose parents are Pakistani and Danish.  And, of course, my own parents are ethnically diverse - my mother is Transylvanian German and my father was a Hungarian whose parents came from Scotland or Slovakia or something!

    In the United States of America ethnic distinctions are especially impossible to maintain with a straight face.  Who are the Native Americans?  The blacks?  The whites?  The Hispanics?  These are entirely accidental categories, having to do with attributes that hardly remain stable over the lives of individuals, let alone across generations.

    In our world the barbarians at the gate are, in fact, those who wish to forcefully reintroduce into our lives the ancient distinction between the civilized and the primitive forces.  These barbarians, no matter their color or tradition or convictions, insist that human beings ought to be divided into sects and that this division should make a major difference in their lives.  They, thus, deny the most important discovery the ancient Greeks made, namely, that what really counts is that we are all human individuals with the need to be treated justly, that is, in line with our basic humanity.

How to secure a free country

How to Secure a free country

Tibor R. Machan

        NSA’s excuse for snooping on innocent citizens -- namely, that it can prevent serious harm to us, might even save lives -- is spurious.  If you incarcerated us all, that, too, might do all that. Free men and women are, of course, capable of violence, even murder, but unless it is proven that they are embarking on these, unless the burden of proof is fully met, they must be left free.  The job of protecting the citizenry must be carried out without violating their rights.  That is the spirit behind constitutional government, especially the American Bill of Rights.  If you sign up to work in the security professions, you must adhere to strict standards and do your job without violating them.  You must cope with the limits and not run rampant unrestrained.  (It is a bit like medical research and experimentation--it is all very important but doesn’t justify ignoring the basic rights of patients and subjects!)

        That our government officials fail to grasp all this is truly a disaster.  When they refuse to act within the limits posed by our individual rights, they are a far greater danger than terrorism!  Indeed, they become like terrorists, making use of arbitrary means to reach their goals!  Nothing excuses it!  The oath of office of all security professionals includes a commitment to act without doing violence of the rights of the citizenry, including to their right to privacy and due process.

         When I joined the US Air Force I had to swear allegiance to the U. S. Constitution.  Same when I took the oath and became a U. S. Citizen.  Doing all this had to do with what constitutes limited government.  One must not violate the rights of the citizenry while serving in the military or even while being a citizen.  In plain terms, one may be a member of the military and a citizen provided one refrains from violating the rights of others.  The details may be complicated at times but the principle is the same: No attacks on other people, no violence against them and their property, without following due process.

        The NSA, too, is restrained along these lines: to discover if someone is a threat to the country, one must follow certain procedures.  If one fails to do so, one is a criminal, not a security officer.

        No doubt carrying out one’s duties in the capacity of a security officer can be a challenge, just as it is a challenge to carry out one’s duties as a police officer, soldier, etc.  But that is how one serves in the security services of a free country, not by taking shortcuts. 

The Evil of Prior Restraint

The Evil of Prior Restraint

Tibor R. Machan

NSA’s excuse for snooping on innocent citizens -- namely, that it can prevent serious harm to us, might even save lives -- is spurious.  If you incarcerated us all, that, too, might do all that.

Free men and women are, of course, capable of violence, even murder, but unless it is proven that they are embarking on these, unless the burden of proof is fully met, they must be left free. The job of protecting the citizenry must be carried out without violating their rights.  That is the spirit behind constitutional government, especially the American Bill of Rights. 

If and when one signs up to work in the security professions, one must adhere to strict standards and do one's job without violating them.  One must cope with the limits and not run rampant unrestrained.  (It is a bit like medical research and experimentation--it is all very important but doesn’t justify ignoring the basic rights of patients or subjects!)

That our government officials fail to grasp all this is truly a disaster.  When they refuse to act within the limits posed by our individual rights, they are a far greater danger than terrorism!  Indeed, they become like terrorists, making use of arbitrary means to reach their goals!  Nothing excuses it! 

The oath of office of all security professionals includes a commitment to act without doing violence of the rights of the citizenry, including to their right to privacy and due process.

Thank you Scientsts & Technologists

Thank you Scientists and Technologists

Tibor R. Machan

There is so much that scientists have discovered that makes our lives rich and rewarding that it may seem pointless to call attention to it all.  But I am very fond of the saying, “Notice the good and praise it,” over and over again.

Of course, what science and technology bring forth can be of immense significance, in medicine, transportation, agriculture and so forth.  But there are the trivial pursuits that are enhanced by it as well.  For me the delete button on my Mac, the mute button on my TV, the screening I can do on my phone now as well as many other minor benefits make a lot of difference.

For example, as an avid tennis fan, I watch most of the major tournaments, such as the French Open, the US Open, Wimbledon, etc.  But I detest it when audiences make pointless noise.  Certain players have fans who insist on creating intolerable noise.  In some cases they even bring noise producing instruments with which to make that racket.

Less annoying but still nice to avoid is when players, mostly the women, scream as they hit the ball or during their serves. Or when some commentators insist on yakking on endlessly, with their idiosyncratic observations and memories of previous tennis events in which I have no interest at all.  I am very grateful to whoever invented the muting device and subtitles. 

I used to own a P-1800 Volvo sedan.  I had it for over twenty years.  I  liked it a lot and now and then I would express my thanks to the engineers who designed it.  These days I do something similar to my computer, my stereo system, TV and so forth.  

So let this be a short tip of the hat to all those folks who work on ways to make life better for us all.

Barbaric Conduct in London

Barbaric Conduct in London

Tibor R. Machan

The apparent murderer in London declared on a video that "The only reasons we killed this man ... is because Muslims are dying daily," he said in video aired by CNN affiliate ITN.  

Of course, this is a dodge, once again: “we” didn’t kill this man. The guy with the bloody hands and cleaver did that.  And there was every reason to think this was barbaric: no trial, no evidence, no due process, no defense mounted, nothing.  It is in the jungle where matters are handled like they were in London this time.  That others carry on comparably is no excuse.

The mere fact that the apparent killer--and he admitted to being the one--spoke reasonably clear English doesn’t make this any less barbaric.  After all, many vicious murderers are well enough educated.  Nor is it any excuse that “Muslims are dying daily.” People are dying daily everywhere but none of that justifies going out and butchering other people.  

And please don’t give me that ridiculous excuse of “blow-back.” That metaphor is absurd.  We aren’t talking about the weather! We are witnessing an out of control young man lash out in a most uncivilized fashion.There is no excuse for that.  If you cannot bring those you are charging with murder to justice, you need to stand down, not go crazy with a cleaver.  You need to insist on handling the situation in accordance with principles of justice.  Oh, I guess this was wild justice.  But that’s no justice at all unless nothing else is possible.  But in London if you know of a crime and work hard to bring a culprit to justice, it may take some time and patience but that what amounts to being civilized.  (Just consider how long many who are accused of a crime linger in prison or jail!) 

My "I told you so world"

My “I told you so world.”

Tibor R. Machan

So all of us who have long concluded that big government--which is to say, government with wide, nearly unlimited scope of power over the population it is supposed to serve--is a menace, no better than a gang of embezzlers and extortionists, can shout out “I told you so.”  From the time of the American Revolution it should have been crystal clear that trying to solve the problems of a society with what government has to offer, namely, brute force (more or less subtly applied) is a horribly bad idea.  Yes, it was that even before but by then plenty of major interlocutors in political discourse knew it well.  Sadly, the governmental habit was by then so ingrained in most populations around the globe that getting rid of the habit became nearly impossible.  

My own special area of concern has been government regulation, that insidious practice of meddling with people’s lives on innumerable fronts, and I have been watching just how addicted some leaders and public philosophers are to the idea.  So I read such publications as The Economist, Barron’s, Bloomberg Businessweek and the like almost religiously, perhaps because I am hoping against hope that the message that government regulations are nasty as all get out will in time sink in.

The most recent issue of The Economist has a special report on world banking and what jumped out at me when I finished reading it was the naivete of the final paragraph of the report: “Paradoxically, stricter regulation intended to tame banks that were thought too big to fail is leading to the creation of even bigger and more systemically important institutions.” (May 11, 2013, p. 18).  The futility of trying to fix economic problems with government regulation has been pointed out long ago--I learned it back in the mid 1960s from University of Chicago economics genius, Sam Peltzman--just as has been the futility of big government intervention itself, but even the editors of the normally sensible magazine, The Economist can pen sentences like the one above, as if they were making some sort of novel observation! They should remember a famous quip attributed to Albert Einstein, namely, “Insanity [is] doing the same thing over and over again and expecting different results..”

Guided by the idiocy of the likes of Paul Krugman, thousands who chime in on the topic still believe that using the government to fix things is a worthy notion. The institution may have some merit for purposes of guarding our basic rights, as Jefferson and the other signers thought, but beyond this there just is no excuse for trusting it with any tasks.  (When I make mention of this to some liberal friends I often receive a list of state achievements such as the Hoover Dam, the TVA, etc. that allegedly would not get done if government were de-authorized; but all that commits the fallacy of the false alternative: we either have government intervention or nothing.  How about developing non-government solutions and institutions to address the problems?)

           We could extend this discussion, of course, to all the current fiascoes, with the IRS and the Department of State, etc., where the classical liberal teachings have gone unheeded.  But I am sure readers can reach those conclusions on their own, at least here.